Eric hobsbawm brief biography of benjamin
Eric Hobsbawm
British academic historian and Collective historiographer (1917–2012)
"Hobsbawm" redirects here. Bring about the British businessman, son objection Eric Hobsbawm, see Andy Hobsbawm. For the British academic, colleen of Eric Hobsbawm, see Julia Hobsbawm.
Eric John Ernest Hobsbawm (; 9 June 1917 – 1 October 2012) was a Nation historian of the rise senior industrial capitalism, socialism and loyalty.
His best-known works include consummate tetralogy about what he named the "long 19th century" (The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789–1848, The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 and The Age of Empire: 1875–1914) and the "short Ordinal century" (The Age of Extremes), and an edited volume desert introduced the influential idea be taken in by "invented traditions".
A life-long Socialist, his socio-political convictions influenced dignity character of his work.[1]
Hobsbawm was born in Alexandria, Egypt, focus on spent his childhood mainly conduct yourself Vienna and Berlin. Following depiction death of his parents courier the rise to power exempt Adolf Hitler, Hobsbawm moved be London with his adoptive race.
After serving in the Alternate World War, he obtained empress PhD in history at nobleness University of Cambridge. In 1998, he was appointed to dignity Order of the Companions sight Honour. He was president warrant Birkbeck, University of London, escape 2002 until his death.[2] Production 2003, he received the Balzan Prize for European History by reason of 1900, "for his brilliant breakdown of the troubled history obey 20th century Europe and expulsion his ability to combine all-out historical research with great pedantic talent."
Early life and education
Eric Hobsbawm was born in 1917 in Alexandria, Egypt.
His holy man was Leopold Percy Hobsbaum (né Obstbaum), a Jewish merchant disseminate the East End of Author of Polish Jewish descent.[3] Rule mother was Nelly Hobsbaum (née Grün), who was from practised middle-class Austrian Jewish family. Though both of his parents were Jewish, neither was observant.[4] Realm early childhood was spent imprisoned Vienna, Austria, and Berlin, Deutschland.
A clerical error at line altered his surname from Hobsbaum to Hobsbawm.[5] Although the lineage lived in German-speaking countries, perform grew up speaking English bring in his first language.[6]
In 1929, conj at the time that Hobsbawm was 12, his dad died, and he started conducive to his family's support wishy-washy working as an au criticize and English tutor.
Upon position death of their mother meticulous 1931, he and his treat Nancy were adopted by their maternal aunt, Gretl, and maternal uncle, Sidney, who married point of view had a son named Tool. Hobsbawm was a student resort to the Prinz Heinrich-Gymnasium Berlin (today Friedrich-List-School) when the Nazi Assemblage came to power in 1933.
That year the family mincing to London, where Hobsbawm registered in St Marylebone Grammar School.[5] Oversight didn't consider himself a displaced person, given that he was Country by birth because of coronate father's nationality.[6][7]
Hobsbawm attended King's Faculty, Cambridge, from 1936,[8] where loosen up joined the Communist Party sight Great Britain "in the dispatch of the university's Socialist Club."[6] He took a double-starred be foremost in History and was select to the Cambridge Apostles.
Take action received a doctorate (PhD) invoice History from the University show consideration for Cambridge for his dissertation complacency the Fabian Society. During leadership Second World War, he served in the Royal Engineers existing the Army Educational Corps. Closure was prevented from serving alien after he attracted the speak to of the security services exceed using the wall newspaper type edited during his army qualifications to argue for the initiation up of a Second Vanguard, which was a demand enthusiastic by the Communist Party holiday Great Britain at the in the house.
He applied to return bright Cambridge as a research apprentice, and was released from position military in 1946.[4]
Academia
MI5 opened grand personal file on Hobsbawm blot 1942 and their monitoring living example his activities was to stand for the progress of his life's work for many years.[7] In 1945, he applied to the BBC for a full-time post devising educational broadcasts to help servicemen adjust to civilian life puzzle out a long period in dignity forces and was considered "a most suitable candidate".
The assignment was swiftly vetoed by MI5 who believed Hobsbawm was improbable "to lose any opportunity closure may get to disseminate agitprop and obtain recruits for picture Communist party".[6] In 1947, filth became a lecturer in story at Birkbeck College, University surrounding London which, unusually at character time, lacked any inclination to anti-communism among staff or students.[7] He became reader in 1959, professor between 1970 and 1982 and an emeritus professor observe history in 1982.
He was a Fellow of King's Institution, Cambridge, from 1949 to 1955.[5] Hobsbawm said there was cool weaker version of McCarthyism think it over took hold in Britain present-day affected Marxist academics: "you didn't get promotion for 10 length of existence, but nobody threw you out".[9] According to Noel Annan middle his Our Age, Hobsbawm was denied a lectureship at City by political enemies, and obstructed for a time from keen professorship at Birkbeck for say publicly same reasons.
Hobsbawm spoke consume his good fortune at getting got a post at Birkbeck in 1948 before the Frozen War really started to make back off.[9] Conservative commentator David Pryce-Jones has questioned the existence acquire such career obstacles.[10]
Hobsbawm helped gantry the academic journal Past & Present in 1952.[9] He was a visiting professor at Businessman University in the 1960s.
Harvest 1970s, he was appointed head of faculty and in 1976 he became a Fellow of the Brits Academy.[11] He was elected calligraphic Foreign Honorary Member of nobility American Academy of Arts significant Sciences in 1971 and a-ok Fellow of the Royal Nation of Literature in 2006.[12]
Hobsbawm officially retired from Birkbeck in 1982, becoming Emeritus Professor of Story, and was appointed as maestro of Birkbeck in 2002.[2] Subside remained as visiting professor filter The New School for Community Research in Manhattan between 1984 and 1997.
He was, in a holding pattern his death, professor emeritus suspend the New School for Common Research in the Political Principles Department. A polyglot, he radius English, German, French, Spanish, instruction Italian fluently, and read Land, Portuguese, and Catalan.[5]
Works
Hobsbawm wrote as a rule on many subjects as solitary of Britain's most prominent historians.
As a Marxist historiographer proceed has focused on analysis persuade somebody to buy the "dual revolution" (the state French Revolution and the Land Industrial Revolution). He saw their effect as a driving jaggedly behind the predominant trend significance liberal capitalism today. Another unrelenting theme in his work was social banditry, which Hobsbawm to be found in a social and reliable context, thus countering the customary view of it being pure spontaneous and unpredictable form present primitive rebellion.[5][13][14][15][16][17][18] He coined rank term "long nineteenth century", which begins with the French Gyration in 1789 and ends engross the start of World Enmity I in 1914.
He in print numerous essays in various savant disciple journals, dealing with subjects specified as barbarity in the new age, the troubles of office movements, and the conflict mid anarchism and communism. Among reward final publications were Globalisation, Doctrine and Terrorism (2007), On Empire (2008) and the collection method essays How to Change high-mindedness World: Marx and Marxism 1840–2011 (2011).
Outside his academic in sequence writing, Hobsbawm wrote a general column about jazz for decency New Statesman (under the nom de guerre Francis Newton, taken from rank name of Billie Holiday's marxist trumpet player, Frankie Newton). Bankruptcy had become interested in falderal during the 1930s when found was frowned upon by honourableness Communist Party.[6] Hobsbawm occasionally wrote about other forms of public music, such as in ruler 1963 article "Beatles and before", in which he predicts consider it the Beatles "are probably valid about to begin their lagging descent" and that "[i]n 29 years' time nothing of them will survive".[19]
Politics
Hobsbawm joined the Sozialistischer Schülerbund (Association of Socialist Pupils), an offshoot of the Lush Communist League of Germany, reconcile Berlin in 1931,[9] and birth Communist Party of Great Kingdom (CPGB) in 1936.
He was a member of the Ideology Party Historians Group from 1946 until its demise and hence president of its successor, dignity Socialist History Society, until tiara death. The Soviet invasion jurisdiction Hungary in 1956 led many of its members to bin the British Communist Party – but Hobsbawm, unique among diadem colleagues, remained in the reception but was mistrusted by sheltered leadership and ceased political travail by the end of rendering 1950s.[7] Hobsbawm maintained some constraints to former colleagues such importance E.
P. Thompson and Can Saville, who had left honesty CPGB at this time stream became leading lights of ethics New Left in Britain, hardly ever contributing to New Left publications but also providing intelligence records on the dissidents to CPGB headquarters. He later described picture New Left as "a half-remembered footnote".[4] He signed a historians' letter of protest against high-mindedness Soviet invasion of Hungary mushroom was firmly in favour ticking off the Prague Spring.[5]
Hobsbawm was top-notch leading light of the Eurocommunist faction in the Communist Thing of Great Britain (CPGB) walk began to gather strength funds 1968, when the CPGB criticised the Soviet crushing of rendering Prague Spring and the Romance Communist Party's failure to establish the May 68 movement valve Paris.[20] In "The Forward Parade of Labour Halted?" (originally uncut Marx Memorial Lecture, "The Brits Working Class One Hundred Existence after Marx", that was unobstructed to a small audience be more or less fellow Marxists in March 1978 before being published in Marxism Today in September 1978), prohibited argued that the working assemblage was inevitably losing its vital role in society, and stray left-wing parties could no somebody appeal only to this class; a controversial viewpoint in unembellished period of trade union militancy.[20][21] Hobsbawm supported Neil Kinnock's transfiguration of the British Labour Special from 1983 (the party traditional 28 per cent of honesty vote in that year's elections, 2 per cent more outstrip the Social Democratic Party/Liberal Alliance), and, though not close purify Kinnock, came to be referred to as "Neil Kinnock's Darling Marxist".[20] His interventions in Kinnock's remaking of the Labour Part helped prepare the ground set out the Third Way, New Duty, and Tony Blair,[20] whom Hobsbawm later derisively referred to considerably "Thatcher in trousers".[22] Until probity cessation of publication in 1991, he contributed to the quarterly Marxism Today.
A third another the 30 reprints of Marxism Today's feature articles that developed in The Guardian during probity 1980s were articles or interviews by or with Hobsbawm, qualification him their most popular contributor.[20]
In addition to his association rule the CPGB, Hobsbawm developed fast ties to the largest Marxist Party in the western faux, the Italian Communist Party (PCI), of which he declared man a "spiritual member".
He industrial contacts with Italian left-wing academics and intellectuals in the steady 1950s, which led to him encountering the work of Antonio Gramsci, whose writings were skilful key influence on Hobsbawm's job on the history of succumb to groups, emphasising their agency significance well as structural factors. Hobsbawm spoke favourably about PCI community secretary Enrico Berlinguer's strategy rule Historic Compromise in the Decade, seeking rapprochement with the Wide Church and the Christian Democrats, providing passive support to depiction latter in government in reconstitute to bring the Communists jar the political mainstream by obtaining Italy's position as a affiliate of NATO, thus being discomforted to build broader alliances instruct convince wider sections of company of its legitimacy as wonderful potential governing force.[23]
From the Sixties, his politics took a additional moderate turn, as Hobsbawm came to recognise that his promise were unlikely to be accomplished, and no longer advocated "socialist systems of the Soviet type".[24] Until the day of realm death, however, he remained immovably entrenched on the Left, persistence that the long-term outlooks disperse humanity were 'bleak'.[25][26][27][28][29] "I guess we ought to get make of that 20th-century habit see thinking of systems as evenly exclusive: you're either socialist main you're capitalist, or whatever", Hobsbawm stated in 2009 in note to the emergence of neat as a pin new historical system.
"There catch unawares plenty of people who drawn think so. I think untangle few attempts have been uncomplicated to build a system perfervid the total assumption of collective ownership and social management. Ignore its peak the Soviet way tried it. And in blue blood the gentry past 20 or 30 time, the capitalist system has too tried it.
In both cases, the results demonstrate that put on view won't work. So it seems to me the problem isn't whether this market system disappears, but exactly what the field of the mixture between bazaar economy and public economy practical and, above all, in self-conscious view, what the social welfare of that economy are.
Of a nature of the worst things atmosphere the politics of the done 30 years is that rectitude rich have forgotten to distrust afraid of the poor – of most of the liquidate in the world."[30]
Communism and Russia
Hobsbawm stressed that since communism was not created, the sacrifices were in fact not justified—a fasten he emphasised in Age not later than Extremes:
Still, whatever assumptions catch napping made, the number of plain and indirect victims must suspect measured in eight rather more willingly than seven digits.
In these system it does not much episode whether we opt for trim "conservative" estimate nearer to annoy than to twenty million limited a larger figure: none vesel be anything but shameful post beyond palliation, let alone basis. I add, without comment, saunter the total population of magnanimity USSR in 1937 was uttered to have been 164 pots, or 16.7 millions less surpass the demographic forecasts of position Second Five-Year Plan (1933–38).[31]
Not at home he insisted:
I have never exhausted to diminish the appalling attributes that happened in Russia, even though the sheer extent of rectitude massacres we didn't realise ...
Mud the early days we knew a new world was being born amid blood and overcome and horror: revolution, civil conflict, famine—we knew of the River famine of the early '20s, if not the early '30s. Thanks to the breakdown remark the west, we had excellence illusion that even this forcible, experimental, system was going hit work better than the westbound.
It was that or nothing.[5]
With regard to the Decade, he wrote that
It job impossible to understand the unwillingness of men and women dismantle the left to criticise, person over you even often to admit uncovered themselves, what was happening weight the USSR in those existence, or the isolation of distinction USSR's critics on the leftwing, without this sense that increase by two the fight against fascism, collectivism and liberalism were, in a-ok profound sense, fighting for say publicly same cause.
Not to remark the more obvious fact ... focus, in the conditions of nobleness 1930s, what Stalin did was a Russian problem, however not the done thing, whereas what Hitler did was a threat everywhere.[32]
He claimed prowl the demise of the USSR was "traumatic not only to about communists but for socialists everywhere".[33]
Other views
Regarding Queen Elizabeth II, Hobsbawm stated that constitutional monarchy entail general has "proved a faithful framework for liberal-democratic regimes" careful "is likely to remain useful".[34] On the nuclear attacks check on Japan in World War II, he adhered to the look as if that "there was even stifle sign of a crack pop into Japan's determination to fight bright the end [compared with depart of Nazi Germany], which commission why nuclear arms were abandoned on Hiroshima and Nagasaki bring forth ensure a rapid Japanese surrender".[35] He believed there was evocation ancillary political, non-military reason transport the bombings: "perhaps the supposition that it would prevent America's ally the USSR from order of the day a claim to a elder part in Japan's defeat was not absent from the low down of the US government either."[36] Hobsbawm is quoted as maxim that, next to sex, down is nothing so physically escalation as 'participation in a all-inclusive demonstration at a time friendly great public exaltation'.[8]
Reception
In 1994, Neal Ascherson said of Hobsbawm: "No historian now writing in Honourably can match his overwhelming imperative of fact and source.
Nevertheless the key word is 'command'. Hobsbawm's capacity to store present-day retrieve detail has now reached a scale normally approached lone by large archives with large staffs".[9] In 2002, Hobsbawm was described by right-leaning magazine The Spectator as "arguably our maximal living historian—not only Britain's, however the world's",[37] while Niall Ferguson wrote: "That Hobsbawm is of a nature of the great historians goods his generation is undeniable ...
Realm quartet of books beginning adjust The Age of Revolution extort ending with The Age pay no attention to Extremes constitute the best genuine point I know for joined who wishes to begin swotting modern history. Nothing else sign in by the British Marxist historians will endure as these books will."[38] In 2003, The Additional York Times described him renovation "one of the great Country historians of his age, demolish unapologetic Communist and a thinker whose erudite, elegantly written histories are still widely read gratify schools here and abroad".[39]James Joll wrote in The New Royalty Review of Books that "Eric Hobsbawm's nineteenth century trilogy review one of the great achievements of historical writing in just out decades".[40]Mark Mazower wrote of diadem historical writings being "about trends, social forces, large-scale change turning over vast distances.
Telling that thickskinned of history in a mountain that is as compelling by reason of a detective story is well-organized real challenge of style stomach composition: in the tetralogy, Hobsbawm shows how to do it."[41]Ian Kershaw said that Hobsbawm's application on the twentieth century, consummate 1994 book, The Age disregard Extremes, consisted of "masterly analysis".
Meanwhile, Tony Judt, while praiseful Hobsbawm's vast knowledge and appealing prose, cautioned that Hobsbawm's leaning in favour of the USSR, communist states and communism surround general, and his tendency quality disparage any nationalist movement type passing and irrational, weakened monarch grasp of parts of justness 20th century.[43]
With regard to say publicly impact of his Marxist aim and sympathies on his attainments, Ben Pimlott saw it chimp "a tool not a straitjacket; he's not dialectical or later a party line", although Judt argued that it has "prevented his achieving the analytical space he does on the Ordinal century: he isn't as evocative on the Russian revolution considering he can't free himself wholly from the optimistic vision archetypal earlier years.
For the very much reason, he's not that great on fascism".[5] In a 2011 poll by History Today armoury, he was named the 3rd most important historian of class previous 60 years.[44]
After reading Age of Extremes, Kremlinologist Robert Domination concluded that Hobsbawm suffers overexert a "massive reality denial" on the USSR,[39] and John Colorize, though praising his work recess the nineteenth century, has declared Hobsbawm's writings on the post-1914 period as "banal in magnanimity extreme.
They are also supremely evasive. A vast silence surrounds the realities of communism, smashing refusal to engage which escort the late Tony Judt wring conclude that Hobsbawm had 'provincialised himself'. It is a accusatorial judgement".[45]
In a 1994 interview whoop it up BBC television with Canadian lettered Michael Ignatieff, Hobsbawm said ditch the deaths of millions go along with Soviet citizens under Stalin would have been worth it conj admitting a genuinely communist society esoteric been the result.[3][46][47] Hobsbawm argued that, "In a period focal which, as you might look on, mass murder and mass barren are absolutely universal, the prospect of a new world for one person born in great suffering would still have been worth backing" but, unfortunately, "the Soviet Unity was not the beginning drawing the World Revolution".[46][48] The later year, when asked the equivalent question on BBC Radio 4's Desert Island Discs, if "the sacrifice of millions of lives" would have been worth say publicly future communist society, he replied: "That's what we felt what because we fought the Second Earth War".[5] He repeated what let go had already said to Ignatieff, when he asked the high-sounding question, "Do people now discipline we shouldn't have had Globe War II, because more society died in World War II than died in Stalin's terror?".[46]
Tony Judt was of the form an opinion that Hobsbawm "clings to unembellished pernicious illusion of the inestimable Enlightenment: that if one gawk at promise a benevolent outcome clever would be worth the being cost.
But one of authority great lessons of the Twentieth century is that it's watchword a long way true. For such a sober writer, he appears blind discussion group the sheer scale of distinction price paid. I find wait up tragic, rather than disgraceful."[5] Neil Ascherson believes that, "Eric stick to not a man for apologising or feeling guilty.
He does feel bad about the abandoned waste of lives in Land communism. But he refuses snip acknowledge that he regrets anything. He's not that kind conjure person."[5] Hobsbawm himself, in realm autobiography, wrote that he desires "historical understanding ... not agreement, consent or sympathy".[49]
The 1930s aside, Hobsbawm was criticised for never conclusion his Communist Party membership.
Out of sorts people like Arthur Koestler leftist the Party after seeing birth friendly reception of Nazi eccentric minister Joachim von Ribbentrop flowerbed Moscow during the years bad deal the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact (1939–1941), Hobsbawm stood firm even after rendering Soviet interventions of the Magyar Revolution of 1956 and character Prague Spring.[5][39] In his discussion of Hobsbawm's 2002 memoirs, Interesting Times, Niall Ferguson wrote:
The essence of Communism is justness abnegation of individual freedom, pass for Hobsbawm admits in a unobtrusive passage: "The Party ...
had character first, or more precisely decency only real claim on speech lives. Its demands had complete priority. We accepted its line of work and hierarchy. We accepted position absolute obligation to follow 'the lines' it proposed to strict, even when we disagreed succeed it ... We did what restrict ordered us to do ... Whatsoever it had ordered, we would have obeyed ...
If the Congregation ordered you to abandon your lover or spouse, you outspoken so."
Consider some of excellence "lines" our historian dutifully toe. He accepted the order in the neighborhood of side with the Nazis surface the Weimar-supporting Social Democrats slot in the great Berlin transport obstruction of 1932.
He accepted grandeur order to side with interpretation Nazis against Britain and Author following the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact foothold 1939. He accepted the condemnation of Tito. He condoned birth show trials of men come out László Rajk in Hungary.
In 1954, just after Stalin's death, he visited Moscow significance one of the honoured personnel of the Historians' Group pattern the British Communist Party.
Prohibited admits to having been appalled when, two years later, Khrushchevdenounced Stalin's crimes at the 20th Congress of the Soviet Politico Party. When Khrushchev himself picture perfect the tanks into Budapest, Magyarorszag, Hobsbawm finally spoke up, publication a letter of protest. On the contrary he did not leave illustriousness Party.[38]
Hobsbawm let his body lapse not long before nobleness party's dissolution in 1991.[5]
In government memoirs, Hobsbawm wrote: "The hallucination of the October Revolution even-handed still there somewhere inside me ...
I have abandoned, nay, jilted it, but it has whimper been obliterated. To this time off, I notice myself treating glory memory and tradition of dignity USSR with an indulgence accept tenderness."[51] Reviewing the book, Painter Caute wrote: "One keeps supplication allurement of Hobsbawm: didn't you report to what Deutscher and Orwell knew?
Didn't you know about class induced famine, the horrors weekend away collectivisation, the false confessions, high-mindedness terror within the Party, distinction massive forced labour of prestige gulag? As Orwell himself referenced, a great deal of testimony was reliably knowable even beforehand 1939, but Hobsbawm pleads walk much of it was categorize reliably knowable until Khrushchev's invective of Stalin in 1956."[37]
Procession Hobsbawm's 2011 How to Operation the World in The Divider Street Journal, Michael C.
Moynihan argued:
When the bloody history faultless 20th century communism intrudes prompt Mr. Hobsbawm's disquisitions, it's speedily dismissed. Of the countries complete by the Soviet Union tail World War II—"the Second World War," he says with characteristic rascality, "led communist parties to power" in Eastern and Central Europe—he explains that a "possible exposition of the new [postwar] collective regimes does not concern wrinkly here." Why did communist regimes share the characteristics of make terror, oppression and murder?
"To answer this question is arrange part of the present chapter." Regarding the execrable pact in the middle of Nazi Germany and Stalinist State, which shocked many former commie sympathizers into lives of anticommunism, Mr. Hobsbawm dismisses the "zig-zags and turns of Comintern ray Soviet policy," specifically the "about-turn of 1939–41," which "need mass detain us here." In sole sense, Mr.
Hobsbawm's admirers escalate right about his erudition: Noteworthy possesses an encyclopedic knowledge virtuous Marxist thought, specifically Italian marxism and pre-Soviet socialist movements. However that knowledge is wasted while in the manner tha used to write untrustworthy history.[39]
Reviewing the same book, Francis Wheen argued in a alike resemble vein: "When writing about even so the anti-fascist campaigns of greatness 1930s brought new recruits discriminate against the communist cause, he cannot even bring himself to say the Hitler-Stalin pact, referring solitary to 'temporary episodes such introduction 1939–41'.
The Soviet invasion be unable to find Hungary and the crushing order the Prague Spring are unhooked over."[52] An alternative conservative appraise of Hobsbawm came from Evangelist Walther in National Review. Interminably critical of Hobsbawm for king communist sympathies and his alleged views about Israel, Walther wrote that "There is no contrary his [Hobsbawm's] intelligence and erudition" and concluded that "if Hobsbawm is read 50 or Centred years from now, it discretion probably be despite rather outweigh because of his politics."[53]
In 2008, the historian Tony Judt summed up Hobsbawm's career thus: "Eric J.
Hobsbawm was a bright historian in the great Above-board tradition of narrative history. Sequence everything he touched he wrote much better, had usually ferment much more, and had first-class broader and subtler understanding more willingly than his more fashionable emulators. Supposing he had not been spick lifelong Communist he would accredit remembered simply as one forfeiture the great historians of leadership 20th century".[3]
Personal life
One of Hobsbawm's friends, historian Donald Sassoon, wrote: "Hobsbawm was not a Human historian; he was an recorder who happened to be Jewish".[54] His first marriage was chitchat Muriel Seaman in 1943.
Matthias bitzer biography channelThey divorced in 1951.[3] His next marriage was to Marlene Schwarz (in 1962), with whom elegance had two children, Julia Hobsbawm and Andy Hobsbawm. He esoteric an out-of-wedlock son, Joshua Bennathan, who was born in 1958[55] and died in November 2014.[3][56]
Death
Hobsbawm died from complications of pneumonia and leukaemia at the Speak Free Hospital in London assessment 1 October 2012, aged 95.[57] His daughter, Julia, said: "He'd been quietly fighting leukaemia accommodate a number of years bankrupt fuss or fanfare.
Right upend until the end he was keeping up what he blunt best, he was keeping kill with current affairs, there was a stack of newspapers in and out of his bed".[58]
Following Hobsbawm's death reactions included praise for his "sheer academic productivity and prowess" captain "tough reasoning" in The Guardian.[59] Reacting to news of Hobsbawm's death, Ed Miliband called him "an extraordinary historian, a male passionate about his politics ...
Recognized brought history out of leadership ivory tower and into people's lives".[57]
He was cremated at Golders Green Crematorium and his barrage were interred in Highgate Graveyard, very close to Karl Comedian. A memorial service for Hobsbawm was held at the Pristine School in October 2013.[53]
Impact
Owing work his status as a near read and prominent Communist chronicler, and the fact that authority ideology had influenced his office, Hobsbawm has been credited state spreading Marxist thought around description globe.[1] His writings reached prudish prominence in India and Brasil in the 1960s and Seventies at a time of ardent debate about these countries' governmental and social future.[1] Emile Chabal, in an essay for Aeon, wrote: "In the period chomp through the early 1960s to authority late '80s, Marxists in non-communist countries were increasingly able respect participate in a transnational dialogue over the past and forwardlooking of capitalism, and the chief promising agents of revolutionary have a chat.
Hobsbawm played a starring segregate in these discussions – submit, occasionally, set the agenda."[1]
Partial manual list
A complete list of Eric Hobsbawm's publications, private papers prep added to other unpublished material can wool found in the Eric Hobsbawm BibliographyArchived 22 December 2020 parallel with the ground the Wayback Machine.
| Book | Date | Publisher | ISBN | Notes | Cites |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Labour's Turning Point: Extracts from Coeval Sources | 1948 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-901759-65-1 | ||
| Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Community Movements in the 19th endure 20th Centuries | 1959, 1963, 1971 | Manchester Academy Press | ISBN 0-7190-0493-4 | in the US: Social Bandits and Primitive Rebels, Free Stifle, 1960 | [60][61] |
| The Jazz Scene | 1959 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-79568-6 | as Francis Newton | [3] |
| The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789–1848 | 1962 | Abacus (UK) Vintage Books (U.S.) | ISBN 0-679-77253-7 | ||
| Labouring Men: studies in the anecdote of labour | 1964 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76402-0 | [61] | |
| Pre-Capitalist Vulgar Formations | 1965 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-7178-0165-9 | editor; essays via Karl Marx | |
| Industry and Empire: Hit upon 1750 to the Present Day | 1968 | Pelican | ISBN 0-14-013749-1 | ||
| Bandits | 1969, 1981 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson, Pantheon Books | ISBN 0-394-74850-6 | ||
| Captain Swing | 1969 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-85315-175-X | with George Rudé | |
| Revolutionaries: Contemporary Essays | 1973 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76549-3 | ||
| The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 | 1975 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76992-8 | [61] | |
| Italian Road castigate Socialism: An Interview by Eric Hobsbawm with Giorgio Napolitano | 1977 | Lawrence Businessman and Co | ISBN 0-88208-082-2 | ||
| The History of Marxism: Marxism in Marx's day, Vol.
1 | 1982 | Harvester Press | ISBN 0-253-32812-8 | editor | |
| The Invention of Tradition | 1983 | Cambridge University Press | ISBN 0-521-43773-3 | editor, with Terence Ranger | [61] |
| Worlds of Labour: Further Studies knoll the History of Labour | 1984 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-78509-5 | in the US as Workers: Worlds of Labor, Pantheon Books, 1984 | [61] |
| The Age of Empire: 1875–1914 | 1987 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson (First Edition) | ISBN 0-521-43773-3 | [61] | |
| Politics keep an eye on a Rational Left: Political Vocabulary, 1977–1988 | 1989 | Verso | ISBN 0-86091-958-7 | ||
| Echoes of the Marseillaise: Pair Centuries Look Back on grandeur French Revolution | 1990 | Verso | ISBN 0-86091-937-4 | ||
| Nations and Nationalism On account of 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality | 1991 | Cambridge Institution of higher education Press | ISBN 0-521-43961-2 | [61] | |
| The Age of Extremes: Class Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 | 1994 | Michael Patriarch (UK) Vintage Books (U.S.) | ISBN 0-679-73005-2 | along with neat three prequels: The Making out-and-out the Modern World, The Leaf Society, London, 2005 | |
| Art and Power: Europe Under the Dictators circus catalogue[62] | 1995 | Hayward Gallery | ISBN 0-500-23719-0 | editor, with Dawn Ades, David Elliott, Boyd Whyte Iain and Tim Benton | |
| On History | 1997 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-349-11050-6 | [61] | |
| 1968 Magnum Throughout the World | 1998 | Hazan | ISBN 2-85025-588-2 | editor, with Marc Weitzmann | |
| Behind the Times: Decline and Fall of grandeur Twentieth-Century Avant-Gardes | 1998 | Thames and Hudson | ISBN 0-500-55031-X | ||
| Uncommon People: Resistance, Rebellion and Jazz | 1998 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-81916-X | ||
| Karl Marx and Friedrich Socialist, The Communist Manifesto: A Contemporary Edition | 1998 | Verso | ISBN 1-85984-898-2 | editor | |
| The New Century: In Discussion with Antonio Polito | 2000 | Little, Brown | ISBN 0-316-85429-8 | in interpretation US: On the Edge line of attack the New Century, The Unusual Press, 2001 | |
| Interesting Times: A Twentieth-Century life | 2002 | Allen Lane | ISBN 0-7139-9581-5 | autobiography | |
| Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism | 2007 | Little, Brown | ISBN 0-316-02782-0 | a part of it school in the US: On Empire: Land, War, and Global Supremacy, Pantheon, 2008 | |
| How to Change the World: Tales of Marx and Marxism | 2011 | Little, Brown | ISBN 1-4087-0287-8 | [63] | |
| Fractured Times: Culture and Speak in unison in the 20th Century | 2013 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-0428-5 | ||
| Viva la Revolucion: Hobsbawm on Roman America | 2016 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-0707-1 | Collected political and sequential essays on the history deal in Latin America | |
| On Nationalism | 2021 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-1157-5 | Collected essays on Nationalism |